Francis Xavier. Elle habite Toronto avec son mari et ses trois enfants. Finalement, elle nomme Vincent comme Chef de Cabinet. Adepte de sport, Vincent fait du ski alpin depuis son enfance. Il adore le plein air, et comme passe-temps pratique la photographie. David a une licence de pilote et un certificat en RCR-C. Elle joue aussi du piano et du violoncelle. Terry a de profondes racines dans Brandon—Souris. Kent J. Puis, la vie de Kent bascule pour toujours. Il ne marchera plus jamais. Son approche collaborative.
Alan se passionne pour le travail communautaire depuis longtemps — bien avant de devenir conseiller municipal. Gordie et sa famille ont des racines profondes dans Surrey-Sud—White Rock. Homme politique canadien et avocat, Ahmed D. Margarets en octobre Son travail en faveur de South Shore—St. Margarets et partout au Canada.
Au fil des ans, Kamal a aussi acquis une passion pour le service public. Suivez Justin Trudeau. Avec Ramez, on se tient debout. Berber Ibadithe groups have survived to the present day in Tripolitania in the Jabal Nafusa, in Tunisia on the island of Jerba and in the oases of Jarid, and in southern Algeria in the Oued Mzab, where they make up the Mozabite communities. Longer than the temporal authority of the Arab caliphate and its ver- sion of Islam, the Berbers remained, for the most part, noncompliant to the process of Arabization. It acquired a place of prominence as the exclusive means of learning in major urban and religious centers, some of which devel- oped into major centers of Islamic studies in North Africa Fes, al- Qayrawan, and Tlemcen.
The most famous North African dynasties were the Almoravids and the Almohads , who distinguished themselves by their military power, territorial and political expansion, and cultural achievements. They united the Berbers of North Africa, if only for a short time. Although with minor variations, within the widespread Berber soci- ety, Berbers have crafted age-old social and economic institutions.
They have developed a sophisticated body of customary law that has survived the Islamic period because Islam has usually accommodated the prac- tice of customary law, or azerf, within its system of jurisprudence, as long as azerf does not deliberately violate the most fundamental princi- ples and articles of faith of Islamic law, or shari' a. Customary law, known also by its Arabic name ' urf is not uniform among Berber groups, with the socially stratified Tuareg and the democratically ori- ented Berbers in North Africa exemplifying two major types of Berber political organization.
Although the institution of jama'a tends to result in oligarchic decisions made by men, it has reg- ulated a wide range of legal matters, including land tenure, tribal al- liance formation, and social and life ceremonies. In the 19th and 20th centuries, for political reasons French colonial administrations in Alge- ria and Morocco accorded official recognition to Berber customary law and its dispensation in tribal and rural courts.
In Morocco, nationwide opposition led to the revocation of the Berber Dahir as far as penal ju- risdiction was concerned. Although Imazighen are unjustly considered a minority in North Africa, the area that Berber speakers inhabit is vast and testifies to the sheer size and broad spread of the Amazigh population. Tamazgha, or the original homeland of the Berbers, stretches east to west from Siwa in the Western Desert of Egypt to the Canary Is- lands and north to south from the Mediterranean shores to Mauritania and the southern limits of the Niger and Senegal rivers.
A series of Berber-speaking villages extend from Jabal Nafusa in Libya through southeastern Tunisia to the island of Jerba, where many Berbers practice the Ibadithe sect. In Tunisia, Berber speakers constitute less than 1 percent of the population, while they make up 4 percent of the population of Libya. South of the mountains lie the oases of the Mozabites, Ibadithe Berbers who live in five villages along the Oued Mzab. The number of Tuareg varies from sources to source, and the estimates vary between 2 and 3 million. In Algeria, Berber speakers constitute about 20 percent of the Algerian population.
In Mo- rocco, Berber speakers make up about 45 to 50 percent of the popula- tion Mohamed Chafiq estimates the number of Berber speakers in Mo- rocco to be about 80 percent. In all, despite the fact that the exact numbers of Berber speakers in Tamazgha and in the diaspora are hard to come by because of the sensitive political nature of census taking, official as well as nonofficial estimates point to a range of between 15 and 50 million Berber speakers. The last half of the 20th century, despite playing leading roles in the fight against colonialism and nation building of their respective nation- states, has not been kind to the aspirations of the Berbers in North Africa.
Ever since independence, government policies have marginal- ized Berber regions, stifled and belittled Berber language and culture, and displaced and destabilized entire populations, as in the case of the Tuareg refugees. Since the uprising in Tizi Ouzou in the spring of , also known as the Berber Spring, Berbers have organized and demonstrated for cul- tural, linguistic, and economic rights — and self-determination or re- gional autonomy in the case of the Tuareg.
Its most alarming article number 6 of 8 withdrew legal jurisdiction over crimes committed in Berber areas from the High Sharifian Tribunal and thus placed them outside the purview of the Shari a. A sociology of self-tracking. Igor Gantsevich CAN. AU 90 Berkes, Turgut : Kara kutu. Etudes au Caire. Effectivement, il revint une semaine avant les noces. But despite the attempts to introduce French cultural ways among the Kabyles, the French invested considerable energy to de- fend customary laws, or qanoun, against the shari a Islamic law and to preserve the jama'a, or village councils.
Berbers believe that they have been shortchanged by state policies of education, culture, and eco- nomic modernization. Government responses, in most cases, have been brutal and repressive and usually took the form of police crackdowns and military assaults. To complicate matters even more, the rise of po- litical Islam and its relentless pursuit of a strict orthodox Sunni Islam in the s further aggravated the situation and demands of the Berbers. Today, the Amazigh question remains a sensitive cultural and politi- cal issue in North Africa because it is explicitly connected to a range of contested ideas about language, place, and religion— or politics of iden- tity boundaries.
In the first years of the 21st century, to circumvent Amazigh cultural and linguistic rights and identity claims, North African governments have made hesitant efforts to at least start the dis- cussion of the remote possibility of considering Tamazight an official and equal language to its sister, Arabic, in their constitutions. While Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg, is a national language in Niger and Mali, the politicking of the Amazigh question is an ongoing, fren- zied contest between Arabists , Islamicists , and secularists in Algeria and Morocco.
Despite his modest socioeconomic background, he earned a baccalaureate in mathematics. Afterward, he served as a clerk in the colonial adminis- tration in the city hall of the mixed commune of Chelghoum el- Aid, former Chateaudun-du-Rhumel and as a noncommissioned officer in the French army during World War II.
In , he joined the pro- independence party. In , Abbane was arrested in the wake of the French crackdown of the paramilitary organization Organisation speciale OS.
He was sentenced to six years in jail, with internment in the Haut-Rhin in France. Abbane is best remembered for his active role in shaping the Soummam Valley Congress on 20 August in Kabylia. Under his skillful and fiery leadership, the congress adopted a political platform as well as a military reorganization framework of the Armee de Liberation Nationale ALN that members of the external delegation of the FLN Ahmed Ben Bella and Mohamed Boudiaf rejected.
His role in the Soum- mam Valley Congress as well as his stand on the principles that the external delegation should be subordinate to the internal affairs and leadership of the revolution and that the civilian and political wing of the FLN should control the military made him undesirable in several nationalist circles. In , he was lured by his detractors to Mo- rocco, where he was strangled to death by the external delegation leaders of the FLN. His murder eliminated a passionate and tireless Kabyle, who had the potential to provide a social and economic roadmap for the revolution.
Theologian of the Malikite school of law, professing puritan convictions, descended from the Jazula, one of the Sanhaj a tribes nomadizing in the Sahara. Invited by the Guddala and Lamtuna tribes, he went preaching among them and led a rigorous campaign against practices that he considered contrary to the shari a and proceeded to build an Islamic community Soon, however, Guddala opposition to his strict religious norms caused Ibn Yasin and his followers to withdraw to an island along the Senegal River. There he created a militant reforming movement, a r i bat, sus- tained by the holy war for the defense of the spread of the faith.
Within a short period of time , this small community of M U r a b i ti n was joined by other adepts and led by Ibn Yasin, who founded the history- making Almoravid Empire. While still a youth, he left his home to study in the Arab East al-Mashriq at the renowned seats of religious learning, and he joined Ibn Tumart when he heard him preaching around Bougie. He was closest to Ibn Tumart, and it was he whom the Mahdi Ibn Tumart shortly before his death instituted as his successor Everywhere a network of missionaries spread and kept alive the tenets of the Al- mohad faith and the principles of the theocratic movement that rested on it.
He left one of the most powerful, large, and solidly institution- alized empires in the history of the Maghrib. He died in and was buried in Jbal Tinmal beside the tomb of Ibn Tumart. They are also known as Banu Za- yyan and Banu 'Abd Al-Wad or the Zayyanids, a Berber dynasty in Tlemcen with a territory covering approximately western Algeria and at the peak of its greatest expansion reaching as far as Algiers.
The Al-Wadids were a clan of the Banu Wasin, a branch of the Zanata confederation, and related, but in hereditary hostility to, the Moroccan dynasty of the M arinids. Respected for his just and wise leadership and political insight, Yaghmurasan spoke in his Zanata dialect and set up a solid government structure.
A prominent Nigerien civil servant, for- mer minister of state enterprises, and Tuareg leader. From to , he served as interim secretary in charge of administrative re- forms. He is claimed to have been an active supporter of the Tuareg rebellion in northern Niger. In , he was the first governor of Tafilalet Province. In , the rise of the Is- tiqlal Party and its increasing paternalistic influence in micromanag- ing local politics of newly independent Morocco irritated the sensi- bilities and vision of Caid 'Addi Ou Bihi for his province.
He was incarcerated for almost four years. He is said to have been executed in January , and he was buried in Karrandou, his native village, which is about 15 kilometers south of Rich. Its large Azna mostly Hausa population is greatly intermixed with T uareg and other eth- nic groups. The hostile environment of Ader is charac- terized by dry-season sandstorms and the harmattan winds.
You can download and read online Origine du prénom Ayoub (Oeuvres courtes) (French Edition) file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can. Ci-dessous la liste des contes des Mille et Une Nuits, contes traduits par Jamel Eddine Bencheikh et André Miquel, Gallimard, La Pléiade (3 vol.), Il s'agit de la première traduction en français de la totalité des 1 poèmes contenus dans l'édition de Boulaq. Histoire du roi Yunan, de son vizir et du médecin Douban; Récit du roi.
They are an Arabized Hispano-Berber dy- nasty belonging to the M aknassa clans settled in the area north of Cordoba. They are also known as Banu Aftas and sometimes referred to as Banu Maslama.
At one time, with their seat at Badajoz, they ruled almost the entire western area of the Iberian Peninsula, stretch- ing from the valley of the Guadiana into present-day Portugal, in- cluding Lisbon. The founder of the dynasty, ' Abd Allah Ibn Muham- mad Ibn Maslama, surnamed al- Aftas, had held a high-ranking position at the court of the Umayyad caliph al-Hakam II and as- cended the throne after the death of his sovereign.
After several at- tempts to stop the advance of the Abbasid rulers of Seville and the kings of Castile and Leon, the Aftasid capital, Badajoz, was con- quered by an Almoravid army , and two of the last Aftasid heirs fell into the hands of the enemy and lost their lives. A third heir and some of his followers found refuge with King Alfonso and were converted to Catholicism.
The mud-walled city of Agadez lies in the far up- per reach of the Republic of Niger, below the foothills of the Air Massif and west of the Tenere Sand Sea. For more than years, Agadez has been a crossroads for Berbers and sub-Saharan Africans, Arab traders, and European ex- plorers, a place of Ghanaian gold and Makkan pilgrims.
Barbary horses, and Ottoman brocades. The town is famous for its 16th- century mosque and its During the Sahel droughts of the s, the arrival of no- madic refugees caused a dramatic population increase to about The departement of Agadez covers an area of , square kilometers and has a population of about 70, The departement is composed of the arrondisse- ments of Agadez, Arlit, and Bilma and the postes administratifs of Iferaoun and I n G all. Today, what brings outsiders to Agadez are the goods and services of a new millennium— high-grade uranium and high-end tourism.
The sultanate is still a living institution, a body of men and women whose functions in the city and surrounding region are both very much of the moment and deeply embedded in the past.
According to these sources, the sul- tanate developed as a major caravan trade entrepot at the fringe of the Sahara Desert, a crossroad on the routes to the Hausa in the south, Tibesti and Bornu in the east, and Gao in the west. According to oral traditions, the Tuareg tribes had been embroiled in internecine strife for so long that they finally sent an emissary to the Ottoman court to Fezzan, north of A ir, present-day Libya seeking the appointment of a king.
The sultan could not provide a legitimate son ready to act as king in Air and sent Younous, his son by a slave -concubine, who ar- rived in Air with a large entourage, hence the origin of the low status of the sultans of Agadez. In , Younous was removed from power by his son Ag Hassan, who himself was deposed by his brother Alissoua in Alissoua was the one who selected Agadez actually Tagadest or Eguedech as the capital of the sultanate.
In the beginning, the sultanate was largely nomadic but finally settled first at Tadeliza, then Tin Chaman, and fi- nally Agadez. The sultan had no real authority except moral power over those clans that accept his authority. As a major trade hub, the northward routes linked Agadez to Tamanrasset, Touat, Tassili, and Fezzan; the southward routes led to Hausa land, Benin, and Bornu; the westward routes led to In Gall and on to Timbuktu; and the eastward routes led to Bilma, Tibesti, and Kufra.